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<title>European Journal of Social Theory current issue</title>
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<prism:coverDisplayDate>November 2009</prism:coverDisplayDate>
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<title>European Journal of Social Theory</title>
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<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/427?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[A Theory of Collective Identity Making Sense of the Debate on a 'European Identity']]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/427?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This article argues for a robust notion of collective identity which is not reduced to a psychological conception of identity. In the first part, the debate on the concept of identity raised by several authors is taken up critically with the intention of defending a strong sociological conception of identity which by definition is a collective identity. The basic assumption is that collective identities are narrative constructions which permit the control of the boundaries of a network of actors. This theory is then applied to the case of Europe, showing how identity markers are used to control the boundaries of a common space of communication. These markers are bound to stories which those within such a space of communication share. Stories that hold in their narrative structures social relations provide projects of control. National identities are based on strong and exclusive stories. Europeanization (among other parallel processes at the global level) opens this space of boundary constructions and offers opportunities for national as well as sub-national as well as transnational stories competing with each other to shape European identity projects. The EU &mdash; this is the hypothesis &mdash; provides a case in which different sites offer competing opportunities to continue old stories, to start new stories or to import old stories from other sites, thus creating a narrative network on top of the network of social relations that bind the people in Europe together. European identity is therefore to be conceived as a narrative network embedded in an emerging network of social relations among the people living in Europe.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Eder, K.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345050</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[A Theory of Collective Identity Making Sense of the Debate on a 'European Identity']]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>447</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>427</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
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<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/449?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Varieties of Universalism]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/449?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Universalism can be religious or secular; within the category of secular universalism, a distinction can be made (especially in China) between universalism focused on &lsquo;universality&rsquo; or the universal validity of certain ideas and universalism focused on &lsquo;generality&rsquo; or the general extension of certain ideas. Within the category of universality-based universalism, &lsquo;value universalism&rsquo; holds one or some values to be universally valid and &lsquo;culture universalism&rsquo; holds a certain culture or a certain way of ranking various values to be universally valid. Within the category of &lsquo;value universalism&rsquo;, a distinction can be made between &lsquo;dialogue-oriented universalism&rsquo;, which argues for the priority of the right to communication over other rights and &lsquo;monologueoriented universalism&rsquo;, according to which one subject can unilaterally decide what is of universal validity for all. Not only &lsquo;monologue-oriented universalism&rsquo;, but also &lsquo;dialogue-oriented universalism&rsquo; can be understood in a Euro-centrist way; there is thus a distinction between West-centrist and non-West-centrist varieties of universalism. The key to avoiding West-centrist universalism while upholding universalism is to make a distinction between essentialist universalism and constructivist universalism, and to see what is universally shared by all relevant parties as something to be constructed through the process of &lsquo;<I>Verkehr</I>&rsquo; in Marx&rsquo;s sense that is informed by the process of &lsquo;<I>Kommunikation</I>&rsquo; in Habermas&rsquo;s sense.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Shijun, T.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345193</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Varieties of Universalism]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>463</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>449</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/465?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Tariq Ramadan vs. Daniel Cohn-Bendit or Why a European Model of Society Based on Weak Citizenship Is Not Such a Good Idea]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/465?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>The boundaries, openness and character of the future European society will crucially depend on the degree and scope of identity politics. Religion, culture and nationality remain strong reference frameworks for individuals in their inter-personal but also political relations and tend, in practice, to favour weak rather than strong forms of citizenship. Whether this is a viable model for large and diverse democratic societies is an old debate known primarily from the discussions and theory on multiculturalism. How this debate is played out at European level and especially with respect to the role of religion is illustrated with reference to the ideas of Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Tariq Ramadan, two well-known public figures with a strong commitment to Europe and European identity, albeit from rather different perspectives and outlooks. At the substantive or philosophical level, it appears impossible to resolve the fundamental questions underlying the opposition between liberalism and communitarianism as represented by the two men. The usefulness of a middle-range pragmatic approach insofar as political solutions or societal compromises are concerned is scrutinized for its usefulness.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Giorgi, L.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345191</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Tariq Ramadan vs. Daniel Cohn-Bendit or Why a European Model of Society Based on Weak Citizenship Is Not Such a Good Idea]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>481</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>465</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/483?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Europe's 'American Dream']]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/483?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Recent years (pre-Obama) of transatlantic rifts should not deceive us into ignoring the great attraction that the United States has exerted, and continues to exert, on Europeans. This article, first, seeks to uncover the normative assumptions that underpin the US as an exemplar or polity model for the EU, as seen <I>from a European perspective</I>. Second, it briefly considers whether the traits that Europeans find attractive about the US as a polity model have much real bearing on the EU, not in terms of how Europeans would want the EU to be but in terms of how the EU presently <I>is</I>. The point is to get a sense of the <I> empirical</I> distance that Europeans would have to travel if they were to transpose what they find attractive about the US to the EU. Are the features Europeans hold up as attractive about the US also available in Europe? These two undertakings set the stage for the third and most original, endeavour, which is to consider whether there are entities that are more compatible with what we currently find in Europe. The case singled out here is <I>another American</I> state, namely Canada. A clarification and critical assessment of what is referred to here as &lsquo;Europe&rsquo;s American Dream&rsquo; are intended to serve as a kind of mirror for Europeans to consider whether the European project is: (a) one of emulating the US; (b) a unique experiment; or (c) an EU that is closer to Canada than the US. If the reality of Canada is more proximate to the reality of the EU, should then Canada instead serve as Europe&rsquo;s American Dream?</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Fossum, J. E.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345067</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Europe's 'American Dream']]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>504</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>483</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/505?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[The Constitution of Modernity: A Critique of Castoriadis]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/505?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>Every theory of modernity must at least presuppose an implicit ontology of the social-historical. Castoriadis is one of the few who makes these presuppositions explicit. Castoriadis&rsquo;s socio-cultural ontology reveals that the essentially indeterminate nature of the social-historical entails ontological plurality, in the face of which monological or unilinear theories of modernity collapse &mdash; leaving us with a fragmented field of tensions. Castoriadis&rsquo;s exposition of the ontological plurality of the social-historical is one of his most important contributions to social theory &mdash; but when he turns his attention to modernity, he immediately polarizes the field. The aim here is to offer some correctives to Castoriadis&rsquo;s polarized depiction, primarily by teasing out tensions in his work.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Smith, K. E.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345048</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[The Constitution of Modernity: A Critique of Castoriadis]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>521</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>505</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/523?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Giorgio Agamben and the End of History: Inoperative Praxis and the Interruption of the Dialectic]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/523?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>The article presents a conception of the end of history, developed on the basis of Giorgio Agamben&rsquo;s critical engagement with Alexandre Koj&egrave;ve&rsquo;s reading of Hegel. Departing from Agamben&rsquo;s concept of inoperosity as an originary feature of the human condition, we argue that the proper or &lsquo;second&rsquo; end of history consists not in the fulfilment of its dialectical process but rather in the radical interruption of the dialectic that terminates the teleological dimension of social praxis. Introducing the figure of the &lsquo;workless slave&rsquo; into the scenario of the Master&mdash;Slave dialectic, the article demonstrates how the dialectic of history may be ended in a non-dialectical fashion through inoperative praxis that subtracts itself from the struggle for recognition. In the conclusion, the implication of this reading of the end of history for the understanding of Agamben&rsquo;s &lsquo;coming politics&rsquo; is addressed.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Prozorov, S.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345068</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Giorgio Agamben and the End of History: Inoperative Praxis and the Interruption of the Dialectic]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>542</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>523</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/543?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Power in Transition: An Interdisciplinary Framework to Study Power in Relation to Structural Change]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/12/4/543?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[<p>This article conceptualizes power in the context of long-term process of structural change. First, it discusses the field of transition studies, which deals with processes of structural change in societal systems on the basis of certain presumptions about power relations, but still lacks an explicit conceptualization of power. Then the article discusses some prevailing points of contestation in debates on power. It is argued that for the context of transition studies, it is necessary to develop an interdisciplinary framework in which power is explicitly conceptualized in relation to change. Subsequently, such a framework is presented, with reference to existing literature on power. Starting with a philosophical and operational definition of power, a typology is developed of the different ways in which power can be exercised, explicitly including innovative power and transformative power. Finally, the presented power framework is applied to transition studies, redefining pivotal transition concepts in terms of power and formulating hypotheses on the role of power in transitions. By doing so, the article not only offers an interdisciplinary framework to study power in the context of transition studies, but also contributes to power debates more generally by including innovation and transformation as acts of power, and thereby proposes a re-conceptualization of the relation between power and structural change.</p>]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Avelino, F., Rotmans, J.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009349830</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Power in Transition: An Interdisciplinary Framework to Study Power in Relation to Structural Change]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>569</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>543</prism:startingPage>
<prism:section>Articles</prism:section>
</item>

<item rdf:about="http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/12/4/571?rss=1">
<title><![CDATA[Book Review: Zygmunt Bauman, The Art of Life. Cambridge: Polity, 2008, 142 pp. inc. index, {pound}15.99. ISBN 0745643264 (pbk)]]></title>
<link>http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/12/4/571?rss=1</link>
<description><![CDATA[]]></description>
<dc:creator><![CDATA[Dawson, M.]]></dc:creator>
<dc:date>Tue, 10 Nov 2009 09:25:12 PST</dc:date>
<dc:identifier>info:doi/10.1177/1368431009345044</dc:identifier>
<dc:title><![CDATA[Book Review: Zygmunt Bauman, The Art of Life. Cambridge: Polity, 2008, 142 pp. inc. index, {pound}15.99. ISBN 0745643264 (pbk)]]></dc:title>
<prism:number>4</prism:number>
<prism:volume>12</prism:volume>
<prism:endingPage>576</prism:endingPage>
<prism:publicationDate>2009-11-01</prism:publicationDate>
<prism:startingPage>571</prism:startingPage>
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